ASCF Report | 5.1.18
By Alan W. Dowd
As Washington spends without consideration for the real costs of its spending sprees, as
high-ranking elected officials openly advocate a lurch toward socialism,
as China tries to muscle the U.S. out of the Western Pacific and Russia
redraws the map of Europe by force, as North Korea builds a nuclear
arsenal and Iran seeks to dominate the Middle East, as America
balkanizes into warring tribes of protesters and political blocs and
interest groups, as the country reverts to a kind of isolationism not
seen since the interwar years, we would do well to consider the timeless
guidance of President Ronald Reagan. A good place to start is Reagan’s first speech and last speech as president.
Economic Strength
Reagan understood that America’s diplomatic, military and cultural
influence abroad was (and still is) dependent on its economic strength
at home.
To unleash “a healthy, vigorous, growing economy that provides equal
opportunities for all Americans,” Reagan committed his administration to
“removing the roadblocks that have slowed our economy and reduced
productivity.”
He did this through tax reform and deregulation. Reagan wanted and
got a tax system that was “fairer, simpler for most people, one that
encourages growth and that is pro-family.” He lowered the top marginal
tax rate from 70 percent to 28 percent. Sen. Bill Bradley called
Reagan’s tax reforms “the most significant tax bill since 1954 and maybe
since 1913.”
To forge those reforms, Reagan worked with partners on the other side
of the aisle. It pays to recall that 33 Senate Democrats voted for
Reagan’s 1986 tax-reform bill. The reason: Reagan didn’t see compromise
as a dirty word. “I have always figured that a half-a-loaf is better
than none,” he said, “and I know that in the democratic process you’re
not going to always get everything you want.” Both sides of the aisle
could learn from that today.
“Government can and must provide opportunity, not smother it; foster
productivity, not stifle it,” Reagan argued. So, he also cut burdensome
regulations. As the Competitive Enterprise Institute (CEI) details,
Reagan pared back the Federal Register (the collection of all federal
rules and regulations) by 38 percent in his first five years.
Reagan’s tax reforms and his efforts to restrain federal regulators unleashed a 92-month
period of uninterrupted economic expansion, triggered an 18-percent
increase in disposable income, halved unemployment, created 19 million
new jobs and tripled the value of the stock market.
As Reagan explained in his farewell address, “The economy bloomed
like a plant that had been cut back and could now grow quicker and
stronger. Our economic program brought about the longest peacetime
expansion in our history: real family income up, the poverty rate down,
entrepreneurship booming, and an explosion in research and new
technology. ”
Following Reagan’s lead, President Donald Trump signed a tax-reform
bill that lowers most individual income tax rates as well as the
corporate tax rate, and he has slashed the size of the Federal Register
by 32 percent. That’s ahead of Reagan’s pace. But there’s much more work
to do on the tax and regulatory front. CEI notes that the federal regulatory burden today is nearly $2 trillion
annually—“a hidden tax of nearly $15,000 per household in a given
year.” Plus, more than 45 percent of households will not pay federal
income taxes this year; that’s up from 40 percent in 2013. For the good
of a society built on shared commitment, the tax burden must also be
shared and the tax base broadened.
Government and Spending
As he entered office, Reagan observed that “great as our tax burden is,
it has not kept pace with public spending”—an implicit acknowledgment
that Washington has enough of the taxpayers’ wealth to serve the basic
functions of government. It simply spends too much.
“For decades we have piled deficit upon deficit, mortgaging our
future and our children’s future for the temporary convenience of the
present,” he explained. “To continue this long trend is to guarantee
tremendous social, cultural, political and economic upheavals.”
To be sure, the national debt as a percentage of GDP grew under Reagan, but modestly—hitting 49 percent of GDP by the end of his presidency. The budget deficit was $153 billion in Reagan’s last year. “I’ve been asked if I have any regrets,” he sighed. “Well, I do. The deficit is one.”
Of course, Reagan added to the debt in order to win the Cold War—not a
bad tradeoff. And in his eight years, he also found a way to work with
Democratic leaders to extend the life of America’s key entitlement
programs by decades.
Contrast that record with recent years: Under President Barack Obama,
the national debt exploded from 77 percent of GDP to 104 percent of
GDP. The budget deficit averaged $910 billion during the Obama
presidency, topping $1 trillion in four different years. And what does
Washington have to show for this deficit-spending binge? The War on
Terror has not been won. America’s military is smaller and weaker, just
as Russia and China have grown stronger. And with the shortsighted
addition of nationalized healthcare to America’s smorgasbord of
entitlements, entitlement spending has become a runaway freight train.
That brings us to another issue near and dear to Reagan: the size and growth of government.
“It is time to check and reverse the growth of government,” Reagan
declared in 1981. “It is my intention to curb the size and influence of
the federal establishment…it’s not my intention to do away with
government. It is rather to make it work—work with us, not over us; to
stand by our side, not ride on our back.”
Reagan was true to his word. Taxes fell and regulations were erased, as detailed above. And as the Heritage Foundation’s Index of Government Dependence illustrates, the Reagan presidency boasts some of the biggest and most
numerous declines in government dependence; the rate of growth of
government dependence was far slower under Reagan than it was under his
predecessors and successors (see Chart 3). Owing to Reagan’s roaring
economy, food stamp costs fell, welfare and public housing flatlined,
and Medicaid rose only marginally between 1981 and 1989. All of these
programs were growing rapidly before Reagan—and have exploded in the
past decade.
Freedom Man
“To those neighbors and allies who share our freedom, we will
strengthen our historic ties and assure them of our support and firm
commitment,” Reagan pledged at his first inaugural. And he put “the
enemies of freedom” on notice that “We will maintain sufficient strength
to prevail if need be, knowing that if we do so we have the best chance
of never having to use that strength.”
Thus, “after years of weakness and confusion,” Reagan rebuilt
America’s defenses and put a halt to the moral relativism that had set
in after a decade of détente. By the end of Reagan’s presidency, the
Cold War had melted away. Nine months later, the Berlin Wall was gone,
the Soviet Empire was in full retreat and America had been transformed
from a nation in decline into an economic-military-cultural colossus
without historical parallel or geopolitical peer.
Reagan matched his military rebuild with a recommitment to freedom. He
ardently and unapologetically believed it was America’s mission to “be
the exemplar of freedom and a beacon of hope for those who do not now
have freedom.”
During his last speech from the Oval Office, Reagan told a story that
captured this American renewal: A sailor “hard at work on the carrier
Midway” spotted “a leaky little boat” on rough waters of the South China
Sea. “Crammed inside were refugees from Indochina hoping to get to
America,” Reagan recounted. “The Midway sent a small launch to bring
them to the ship and safety. As the refugees made their way through the
choppy seas, one spied the sailor on deck, and stood up, and called out
to him…‘Hello, American sailor. Hello, freedom man.’” As Reagan
explained, “That’s what it was to be an American in the 1980s. We stood,
again, for freedom.”
In that same speech, Reagan also described what his oft-cited
“shining city on a hill” looked like in his mind’s eye: “a tall, proud
city built on rocks stronger than oceans, windswept, God-blessed, and
teeming with people of all kinds living in harmony and peace; a city
with free ports that hummed with commerce and creativity. And if there
had to be city walls, the walls had doors and the doors were open to
anyone with the will and the heart to get here.”
That was Reagan’s America—a great and good nation open to people of
goodwill, a nation with the will and the ability to defend freedom, a
nation whose very name stood for freedom.
Sadly, it seems “freedom man” has sailed away. Just 18 percent of
Americans say the United States should promote democracy to the rest of
the world (down from 70 percent in 2002). And 57 percent of Americans
say the U.S. should “deal with its own problems, while letting other
countries get along as best they can.”
Reflecting the national mood, Obama focused on “nation-building here
at home,” left proto-democracies in Iraq, Libya and Ukraine to fend for
themselves, and shrank the reach, role and resources of democracy’s
greatest defender—the U.S. military. (Recent defense budgets have ended
sequestration’s maiming of the military, but they’re not enough to
repair the damage. “It took us years to get into this situation,”
Defense Secretary James Mattis concludes. “It will require years of
stable budgets and increased funding to get out of it.”) In a surprising
echo of Obama, Trump argues, “We have to build our own nation,”
endorses an “America First” foreign policy evoking pre-World War II
isolationism, and describes “trying to topple various people”—we can
infer he was talking about dictators in Iraq and Libya—as “a tremendous
disservice to humanity.”
This bipartisan turn inward has contributed to the ebbing of free government around the world. But don’t take my word for it. “After eight years as
president,” Freedom House concludes, “Obama left office with America’s
global presence reduced and its role as a beacon of world freedom less
certain.” Trump, Freedom House worries, could prolong democracy’s
doldrums by pursuing “a foreign policy divorced from America’s
traditional strategic commitments to democracy, human rights and the
rules-based international order that it helped to construct beginning in
1945.”
Trump has embraced Reagan’s Peace through Strength doctrine to defend
America’s interests; to promote America’s ideals and values, he should
embrace Reagan’s language of freedom.
Great
As he left office in January 1989, Reagan saw all across America “a
rediscovery of our values and our common sense…the resurgence of
national pride.”
Regrettably, one strains to find examples of that today. Consider the college campuses that are muzzling free speech, the assaults on law enforcement and outright contempt for law, the disrespect for our flag, the rise of a fatherless generation, the degeneration of our republic into a land of marches and mobs (see here, here, here and here).
Reagan, who remembered earlier times marked by “the erosion of the
American spirit,” would not despair or allow us to shrink from these
challenges. “Because we’re a great nation, our challenges seem complex,”
he explained. “But as long as we remember our first principles and
believe in ourselves, the future will always be ours.”