PROJECT FORTRESS 7.15.20
BY ALAN W DOWD
The killing of George Floyd while in police custody triggered
peaceful protests across America, which were altogether appropriate and
necessary; sparked violent and deadly riots, which were altogether
illegal and unnecessary; and reenergized efforts to expunge certain
symbols of America’s complicated past. Some of those efforts are
necessary; others are wrong.
Opposite Ideas
At the top of the list of symbols of the past that need to be
expunged from public spaces are Confederate emblems and the names of
Confederate military commanders.
The Confederacy made war against
the United States. Some in the South called (and still call) it “the
war of northern aggression,” but the fact is that South Carolina severed
its ties with the United States before Abraham Lincoln was inaugurated.
Six other states joined South Carolina in its preemptive secession. “By
the time Lincoln took his oath, the Confederates had seized all federal
ports and Navy yards in the states under their control,” historian
Wilson Sullivan notes. That was an act of war. And to remove all doubt,
Confederate forces bombarded a U.S. military base to officially initiate
hostilities.
“The Confederacy,” Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff Gen. Mark
Milley recently reminded a House committee, “was an act of rebellion. It
was an act of treason against the Union, against the Stars and Stripes,
against the U.S. Constitution.”
Gen. David Petraeus agrees, adding in a thoughtful essay that his “life in uniform essentially unfolded at a series of what
might be termed ‘rebel forts’”—Fort Bragg, Fort Pickett, Fort Polk, Fort
Lee, Fort Hood, Fort Rucker, Fort Gordon, Fort Benning. As a young
soldier, he admits that he was “oblivious” to what most of those names
stood for. But he learned that Ft. Benning was named for “Henry L.
Benning, a Confederate general who was such an enthusiast for slavery
that as early as 1849 he argued for the dissolution of the Union and the
formation of a Southern slavocracy.” John Gordon, Petraeus adds, likely
helped spawn the Ku Klux Klan.
According men like this the honor
of affixing their names onto U.S. military bases is both senseless and,
Petraeus adds, deeply insensitive “to the many African Americans
serving on these installations.” With the exception of Lee, Petraeus
points out that “most of the Confederate generals for whom our bases are
named were undistinguished, if not incompetent, battlefield
commanders.” Why, Petraeus matter-of-factly concludes, would “an
organization designed to win wars train for them at installations named
for those who led a losing force”?
Equally important: The cause for which the Confederacy fought was—and
is—repugnant. The long-simmering debate over states’ rights may have
been a factor, but it was slavery that lit the powder keg. All the
compromises that forestalled the war were about slavery. And slavery
animated and motivated the leaders of the Confederacy. But don’t take my
word for it.
Alexander Stephens, vice president of the Confederacy, declared that
the United States “rested upon the assumption of the equality of the
races,” while our his government was “founded upon exactly the opposite
ideas: its foundations are laid, its cornerstone rests, upon the great
truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery is his
natural…condition. This, our new government, is the first, in the
history of the world, based on this…truth.” Shockingly, as Stephanie McCurry of Columbia University observes, “A statue of Alexander Stephens now stands in the U.S. Capitol.”
On
the other side of the border, it pays to recall that the prime
motivation for fighting the war among U.S. soldiers shifted from saving
the Union to ending slavery. This evolution is evident in Lincoln’s
speeches and in the wide embrace of “The Battle Hymn of the Republic,”
which was penned in 1861 and soon adopted as the Union’s unofficial
anthem. “As He died to make men holy, let us die to make men free,” the
poem-turned-song thunders. By way of comparison, “Dixie,” the unofficial
anthem of the Confederacy, romanticizes “the land of cotton”—and was born in a blackface minstrel show.
By way of further comparison, America’s president during the war declared, “If slavery is not wrong, then nothing is wrong.” He called slavery “a monstrous injustice.” He suggested that the war itself could
be a kind of punishing atonement for America’s original sin: “If God
wills that it continue until all the wealth piled by the bondsman’s two
hundred and fifty years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until
every drop of blood drawn with the lash shall be paid by another drawn
with the sword, as was said three thousand years ago, so still it must
be said ‘the judgments of the Lord are true and righteous altogether.’”
The Confederacy’s president, in his own words, defended “the rights of the owners of slaves,” criticized those “engaged in
exciting amongst the slaves a spirit of discontent” and boasted about
what enslaved people achieved “under the supervision of a superior
race.”
Finally
In short, the symbols of the Confederacy should have been torn down
and tossed into the ash heap of history in one fell swoop in 1865. In
fact, there was an effort to do that, led by men like Charles Sumner and
Thaddeus Stevens. They argued that the Confederacy should have been
treated not as prodigal son or wayward brother, but as a “conquered nation.”
As the New York Times reported in September 1865, Stevens saw the Confederacy as “a conquered alien
enemy.” Stevens, an abolitionist congressman from Pennsylvania who
helped draft the 13th amendment, advocated that the U.S. government
“confiscate” Confederate plantations, turn some of the plantations over
to liberated slaves, and sell the rest to pay down U.S. war debt. “We
have conquered them,” Stevens said, “and as a conquered enemy we can
give them laws [and] can abolish all their municipal institutions and
give them new ones.”
Doubtless, Stevens would have included the battle flag of the Confederacy—the
blue “x” studded with white stars on a red field—among those
institutions. It was born with the Confederacy, and it should have been
buried with the Confederacy’s defeat.
Postwar reconstruction efforts took neither Lincoln’s “malice toward none”
approach nor Stevens’ “conquered nation” approach, but rather something
in between, yielding the worst of both extremes. The victors instituted
a brief period of martial law—far too brief to reeducate, reshape,
reorder and reform the Confederacy. By the autumn of 1866, only 38,000 U.S. troops remained in the Confederacy’s massive 750,000 square-mile footprint.
Reconstruction was uneven and unenthusiastic, and it rapidly gave way to
local rule, the rise of the Ku Klux Klan, the return of brutality, and
the emergence of Jim Crowism, which reinstituted the Confederacy’s slave-caste system under another name.
It would take another century for the Confederacy to be brought to
heel—and for the Declaration’s promise of liberty and equality to be
secured in America’s south. Even then, several states continued to
incorporate symbols of the Confederacy into their state flags. Just this year—finally, sadly, stunningly—Mississippi approved legislation to remove the Confederate flag from the state flag. Navy leaders this year ordered the Confederate flag removed “from all public
spaces and work areas aboard Navy installations, ships, aircraft and
submarines.” NASCAR this spring banned the display of the flag of the Confederacy at all NASCAR events. There’s a bill working its way through Congress that would order the removal of
statues inside the Capitol of Confederate figures. The Senate Armed
Services Committee recently approved a measure ordering the removal of Confederate names from Defense Department
facilities and authorizing a commission to rename those facilities. If
members of that forthcoming commission need food for thought, they
should talk with Andrew Bacevich and Danny Sjursen—both graduates of
West Point and combat veterans—who offer a list of veterans that fought for rather than against the United States.
Rampage
Congressional leaders remind us that how something is done is as
important as why it’s done. These emblems, symbols, nameplates and
statues honoring the Confederacy should be removed in an orderly
fashion, at the direction of and with the permission of relevant
federal, state and local government agencies—not by rampaging mobs.
Indeed, it is a sad irony that the mobs tearing down and vandalizing
symbols of the Confederacy are acting in the same spirit of lawless
rebellion as the men wrongly lionized by those very symbols.
That said, why something is done certainly matters. Motives matter, as scripture teaches.
Importantly, the motivation put forward here for removing Confederate
symbols and honorific names—like the motivation of congressional
leaders, Milley, Petraeus and others—is to correct a mistake of history,
not to revise or blot out history. And here we make a distinction
between peaceful protestors and violent mobs. We know and appreciate the
motives of the peaceful protestors—to shine a light on police
misconduct and pursue justice. But what exactly are the motives of the
mobs that for more than a month have defaced statues of Washington,
Jefferson, Lincoln, Grant and memorials honoring America’s war dead?
Their motives are surely not justice or reform or a more perfect union.
More likely, these mobs subscribe to the unattainable purity of Robespierre’s rampage or, equally apt, the Taliban’s terror.
Before balking at this comparison, consider the toppling of Grant’s statue.
Do the mobs know that Grant liberated hundreds of thousands from
slavery and tore down a racialist regime? During surrender parleys, such
as at Vicksburg,
Confederate commanders proposed terms that included the right of
Confederate troops to retain their “property.” Grant, knowing that was
code for enslaved human beings, rejected such terms.
Or consider the defacing of war memorials. Do the mobs know what these memorials represent?
In 1917-18, 116,000 Americans died defending democracy from authoritarian regimes. In 1941-45, 405,399 Americans—black and white, red, yellow and brown—died
liberating Europe and Asia from racialist-eugenicist empires. From 1948
to 1991, America sacrificed 100,000 lives and $6 trillion protecting
the frontiers of freedom from Soviet totalitarianism—the freedom to
speak or remain silent, to peacefully assemble, to worship any god or no
god at all, to define and pursue happiness. (Doubtless, the mobs will
retort that America was/is no better than the Soviet Union. But then the
mobs must explain why Moscow had to build walls to keep people in—and
why Moscow’s former subjects are today America’s allies.) In the years
since the Soviet empire’s collapse, America has served as civilization’s
first-responder and last line of defense—saving Liberians from Ebola,
Yazidis from ISIS, Somalis from famine; rescuing millions of Africans from AIDS,
Indonesians from tsunamis, Haitians from anarchy; protecting Kuwaitis,
Kurds, Kosovars and Koreans from violent neighbors; liberating Afghans,
Iraqis and Libyans from terrorist tyrannies; prying open classrooms to
Afghan girls; guarding Serbian Christian kids and Albanian Muslim kids
on the way to school; defending the Baltics and rebuilding the Balkans; and pouring more into global COVID19 relief than any other country (12 times as much as China). This is the work of a great and good nation.
Sadly,
the mobs rampaging through America understand less about this country
than those who’ve never lived here. It’s telling that even as Americans torch the American flag and deface symbols of American sacrifice, the people of Hong Kong are waving the American flag and singing the “Star Spangled Banner.” Similar scenes can be glimpsed in Poland, Georgia, Libya, Kosovo, Taiwan, Colombia, Iraqi Kurdistan, Tanzania. The list goes on. Related, the musical Hamilton has taken Britain by storm, will tour Asia in 2021, heads to France in 2022, and is being translated into German.
Why is this? Why would Europeans and Asians want to see a musical
that celebrates America’s founding? Why are they waving American flags
in Hong Kong and Dar es Salaam, Warsaw and Pristina, Erbil and
Tbilisi? Why aren’t they waving Russian or Chinese flags, or flocking to
musicals about Mao or Lenin?
Dreams
The answer is that America, while imperfect and flawed, is a force for good in the world—and always has been.
As they assault statues of Washington, Jefferson and other founding
fathers, the mobs are unable or unwilling to make a distinction between
something that is rotten and wrong at its core (like the Confederate
States) and something that is imperfect yet good at its core (like the
United States).
The entire founding project—with all its contortions and
compromises—was a step toward a freer, more just nation and world. It’s
telling and deeply moving, given the America he knew, that Martin Luther
King was able to look beyond the flaws and failures of the founders—and
see what they envisioned, what they hoped for, what they dreamed.
Rather than calling for statues of Jefferson to be torn down, King
called Jefferson’s Declaration of Independence “majestic,” specifically
citing the most famous words in the American lexicon: “We hold these
truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are
endowed by God, Creator, with certain inalienable rights, that among
these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.”
“This is a dream,” King cheered, “a great dream.”
King saw that Jefferson’s masterpiece reflects “an amazing
universalism.” The Declaration, King explained, “doesn’t say ‘some men,’
it says ‘all men.’ It doesn’t say ‘all white men,’ it says ‘all men,’
which includes black men. It does not say ‘all Gentiles,’ it says ‘all
men,’ which includes Jews. It doesn’t say ‘all Protestants,’ it says
‘all men,’ which includes Catholics. It doesn’t even say ‘all theists
and believers,’ it says ‘all men,’ which includes humanists and
agnostics.”
And King understood that this document, this dream, makes America
exceptional. “That dream goes on to say another thing that ultimately
distinguishes our nation and our form of government from any
totalitarian system in the world. It says that each of us has certain
basic rights that are neither derived from or conferred by the
state…They are God-given, gifts from His hands. Never before in the
history of the world has a sociopolitical document expressed in such
profound, eloquent, and unequivocal language the dignity and the worth
of human personality.”
Like Lincoln,
King believed that “God somehow called America to do a special job for
mankind and the world.” And unlike the mob, King had the wisdom to
recognize that even though America is imperfect and flawed and
“tragically divided,” “the founding fathers of our nation dreamed this
dream in all of its magnificence” and “professed the great principles of
democracy.” They may not have practiced those principles to the
full—they may not have known how to practice them—but they were the
first to profess them so clearly and plainly. As King understood, that
was an enormous step for humanity. “We have a great dream. It started
way back in 1776, and God grant that America will be true to her dream.”
King recognized that for nations, as for individuals, the measure of
goodness and righteousness is not perfection, but rather direction.
America was born headed in the right direction—and continues to build a
“more perfect union” dreamed up by imperfect men.