LANDING ZONE 9.15.20
BY ALAN W. DOWD
We’ve
heard a lot lately about “5G”– shorthand for the fifth generation of
mobile networks. The technologies that spawned 5G – and spawned by 5G –
are nothing short of revolutionary. As one telecommunications giant puts it,
5G will deliver "higher multi-gigabyte-per-second peak data speeds,
ultra-low latency, more reliability, massive network capacity, increased
availability and a more uniform user experience to more users.”
Yet
5G is about far more than faster downloads and increased bandwidth. As
China and Britain are learning, 5G is also about geopolitics.
Contempt and disdain
The Chinese telecommunications firm Huawei is a leader in 5G technology. It also happens to have ties to the Chinese government, which explains why Washington was making a
last-ditch push in January to persuade the British government to block
Huawei from Britain’s 5G buildout. Washington was then – and remains
today – concerned that the PRC government would use Huawei as a Trojan
horse into British intelligence agencies, which are deeply enmeshed with U.S. intelligence agencies. Yet by February, Prime Minister Boris Johnson’s government officially approved Huawei for the project.
Then, in March, prominent members of Britain’s majority party called on Johnson to “rethink our wider
relationship with China” to protect “Britain’s long-term economic,
technical and security needs.” Johnson promised to study their proposal.
And by mid-July, he joined the United States in barring Huawei from the
5G buildout.
So
what changed? We all know that COVID-19 swept the globe in the months
between January and July. But COVID-19 didn’t change the products or
services offered by Huawei, and it didn’t change the nature of the PRC.
Rather, what COVID-19 did – or more accurately, what Xi Jinping’s
criminal mishandling of COVID-19 did – was remind Britain and the world of a hard truth: The
PRC is an ends-justify-the-means regime that has contempt for the
individual at home and disdain for norms of behavior abroad. The world
now knows that Xi’s regime lied about human-to-human transmission,
allowed thousands of people to leave the epicenter of the virus in Wuhan
for destinations around the world, ordered scientists not to share
findings about coronavirus-genome sequencing, and carried out a premeditated plan to hoard 2.5 billion pieces of medical protective equipment as the virus spread.
Put
another way, if Xi and his henchmen can be so callous and calculating
when it comes to life and death, they will have no qualms about
exploiting Huawei’s technologies to advance their interests – whether in
Britain, Europe, the Americas or Asia.
It
pays to recall that the PRC has repeatedly been caught exploiting
information technologies to conduct espionage and to steal intellectual
property.
As
early as 2013, U.S. officials warned that Huawei could place a “bug,
beacon or backdoor” into critical systems to allow for “a catastrophic
and devastating domino effect ... throughout our networks” – a warning
intelligence officials repeated in 2020.
According
to a U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission study, China’s
use of “computer network exploitation activities to support espionage
has opened rich veins of previously inaccessible information that can be
mined both in support of national-security concerns and, more
significantly, for national economic development.”
Beijing
has used cyberspace to infiltrate subcontracting firms and systems
related to the development of the F-35 and C-17, gain functional control
over networks at the Jet Propulsion Laboratory, gain access to networks
at Westinghouse, Alcoa, Allegheny Technologies and U.S. Steel, and
penetrate the Office of Personnel Management’s network, compromising the
personal and financial data of 21.5 million Americans. U.S. officials
describe it as “the most devastating cyberattack in our nation’s
history.”
IT
security firm Mandiant reports that a cyber-force within the People’s
Liberation Army (PLA) known as “Unit 61398” is conducting “extensive”
computer network operations. Unit 61398 has?attacked corporations and government agencies in the United States, Britain, Europe and Japan;?penetrated computer systems at U.S. defense firms, the Pentagon and NASA; planted computer components in the United States with?Trojan horse codes;
and stolen massive amounts of information. “We witnessed them stealing
hundreds of terabytes of data from 141 companies,” Mandiant reports,
bluntly adding, “A unit of the PLA has in fact been chartered to
compromise the U.S. infrastructure and steal our intellectual property.”
Gen. Keith Alexander, former head of CYBERCOM, calls China’s cyber-siege of the United States “the largest transfer of wealth in history.”?
Coalition
Those who counter that Huawei is separate from the Xi regime are hopelessly naïve.
Any deal with Chinese firms ultimately involves the Chinese government –
and any deal with the Chinese government ultimately involves the PLA.
“Engaging
in projects where intellectual property is shared with the Chinese,” as
Gen. James Dunford explained during his years as chairman of the Joint
Chiefs of Staff, “is synonymous with sharing it with the Chinese
military.”
Adds
Secretary of State Mike Pompeo: “Information that transits across these
untrusted networks that are of Chinese origin will almost certainly end
up in the hands of the Chinese Communist Party.”?
In
the wake of COVID-19, much of the free world not only agrees with what
Dunford and Pompeo have been saying, but also grasps what the Beijing
behemoth is trying to do.
As
the State Department details, dozens of governments and
telecommunications firms are joining what’s been dubbed the “5G Clean
Network.” This network is built on five pillars:
“clean carriers” (ensuring that untrusted PRC carriers are not
connected to their telecom networks), “clean stores” (keeping untrusted
PRC apps that threaten privacy, spread viruses and promote
disinformation out of mobile app stores), “clean apps” (preventing
untrusted PRC smartphone manufacturers from pre-installing apps), “clean
clouds” (protecting sensitive personal information and intellectual
property from cloud-based systems connected to PRC-backed firms), and
“clean cables” (ensuring the undersea cables that connect the global
Internet are not compromised by PRC intelligence gathering).
“More
than 30 countries and territories are now Clean Countries,” Pompeo
reported in August, “and many of the world’s biggest telecommunications
companies are Clean Telcos.”
Building on the “clean network” idea, Britain is calling on the D10 – an informal partnership of 10 democracies enfolding the Group of Seven industrialized democracies plus Australia, South Korea and India – to
pool their technological resources, build on their shared values and
harness their interoperability to create an uncompromised 5G network.
In other words, the D10 could serve as the “operating system” for the 5G Clean Network. Already, a clean-tech partnership comprised of U.S. firms Dell, Microsoft and AT&T, European firms Nokia and Ericsson, and Japanese firms NEC and Fujitsu is taking shape.
Canada’s
major telecom carriers in June shifted to Samsung, Ericsson and Nokia.
Likewise, leading telecom firms in France, India, Australia and South
Korea have become “clean telcos” in recent months.
India recently banned 59 Chinese apps, citing national security, and is leaning toward blocking Huawei from involvement in the country’s 5G network.
The Economist reports growing concerns among German lawmakers over Huawei, with one key
member of the Bundestag saying, “We cannot trust the Chinese state and
the Chinese Communist Party with our 5G network.” Similarly, President
Emmanuel Macron of France calls the 5G buildout “a sovereign matter” and
believes key elements of the EU-French 5G network “must only be
European.” And underscoring that information technology is a critical
element of international security in the 21st century, NATO appears
poised to join the coalition. Noting that 5G “provides enormous
opportunities,” NATO Secretary General Jens Stoltenberg warns that “it
can also make us more vulnerable.” That’s why “ensuring the security of
our 5G infrastructure is so crucial,” he explains.
The
result of this bloodless battle along the 5G frontier will likely be
two separate 5G networks: one for D10 nations and their allies, the
other for China and its satellites. These separate 5G networks, like the
separate economic-political systems of East and West during the Cold
War, will likely deepen, accentuate and sharpen the divisions separating
the free world from China’s dictatorship.