American Thinker | 5.4.13
By Alan W. Dowd
The trial of Kermit Gosnell—the Philadelphia man accused of
murdering a female patient and several
babies who were “accidentally” born during abortion procedures—has
struck a nerve in a numbed America.
Gosnell’s crimes were uncovered quite by accident during a
2010 FBI-DEA raid related to drug violations at Gosnell’s abortion clinic. What
the federal agents found was
shocking: a beautician assisting on late-term abortions, blood-covered floors,
reused disposable medical supplies, body parts stuffed in plastic bags. Whatever
you wish to call those to whom Gosnell’s macabre collection once belonged—unviable
tissue masses, fetuses, babies—their remains weren’t even accorded the respect
a highway-cleanup worker gives road-kill. A grand jury report aptly called
Gosnell’s abortion mill a “house of horrors.”
As The Washington Postreported, albeit belatedly, state regulators
had ignored complaints about Gosnell, including 46 lawsuits filed against him,
and made just five inspections—which are supposed to be conducted annually—since
the clinic opened in 1979. The woman whose murder he is being tried for succumbed
to lethal doses of pain killers and sedatives. The babies Gosnell is accused of
murdering—initial charges included seven newborns, but the judge threw out some
of the cases—were not so fortunate as to be sedated to death. To its credit,
once the Post got around to covering
the case, its reporting included eyewitness testimony—too gruesome, too
inhuman, too heartbreaking to include here—describing how horribly these and other newborns died.
That brings us to the raw nerve exposed by the Gosnell case.
For those without strong views on abortion and even for many
abortion supporters—“reproductive-rights advocates,” in media parlance—the
ghastly details of Gosnell’s multi-million-dollar abortion enterprise are
forcing them to consider two truths:
First, the Gosnell case amplifies the mixed messages floating
around a mixed-up country. The case provides an unsettling, discomforting
reminder that partial-birth and post-birth abortions like those performed by
Gosnell cause pain to the baby, put the mother at risk and end a life—just like
the 1.2 million pre-birth abortions carried out in America each year. Indeed, if
Gosnell’s infant victims had succumbed to Gosnell’s wares before they were born, the crimes Gosnell is being accused of would
not be crimes in most cases or in some places. As Michael Geer of the Pennsylvania Family Instituteobserved, the difference is “a 15-minute or half-hour time frame and
10 inches of physical space.”
Second, this is where the slippery slope ends—this kind of callousness
and contempt for life conceived by Roe.
How far we have fallen: elected officials rationalizing infanticide; senators quibblingover how much of a child can be born in order to defend partial-birth abortion;
major media outlets either ignoringor downplayinga case of premeditated mass-murder; lawyers and advocacy groups trying to explain
Gosnell’s actions—my grandfathers’ America would have called murder—on grounds
that the women wanted and paid for abortions; a taxpayer-funded
organization refusing to say whether a newborn “struggling for life” deserves emergency
care, refusing even to notify authorities of what was happening at Gosnell’s office. (As a
Philadelphia newspaper reports, “women would sometimes come to Planned Parenthood for services after
first visiting Gosnell’s West Philadelphia clinic, and would complain to staff
about the conditions there.)
How did we get here? Step by step. Steadily, the
clarity of when life begins was blurred by agenda-minded judges and
shoulder-shrugging doctors; Roe’s legal loopholes came to rationalize
virtually anything, from after-the-fact birth control to partial-birth abortion
to post-birth infanticide; and happy-sounding euphemism numbed the nation’s
conscience. Each step relied on the previous step for justification, and with
each step America slid further down the slippery slope.
The Gosnell case also hits a deep nerve for those of us who
wear the pro-life label. The case is a grim, dispiriting reminder that we are
failing. The small victories are small indeed when compared to the culture and
consequences spawned by Roe.
Sure, abortion is not available in 84 percent of U.S.
counties. Sure, 71 percent of Americans say they support limits on abortion, and 52
percent say they want abortion illegal in most cases. Sure, GE made heads turn
with pro-life language in a commercial for its 4D Ultrasound System. Sure, a Newsweek cover story argued that
medicine is granting “unborn babies a unique form of personhood.”
But Roe continues
to scythe through America. People like Gosnell continue to make a living on
death. The media continue to avert their gaze. Organizations like Planned
Parenthood continue to rationalize and justify it all. And if the numbers tell
us anything, the pro-life cause continues a noble but losing battle.
Our words, our actions, our essays, our votes, our time and
talents and treasure, have simply not changed enough hearts and minds to make a
difference. In fact, America just reelected the most open, ardent, unapologeticabortion
supporter in the history of the presidency. (See his 100-percent
rating from the abortion-advocacy group NARAL, his supportfor the partial-birth abortion procedure or his recent speechat Planned Parenthood, the first by a sitting president.) His signature piece of legislation is a
healthcare law that, along with its enabling HHS mandate, views
pregnancy as some sort of illness that needs to be prevented—and accordingly
requires employers to cover abortion-inducing drugs in their health-insurance
plans.
If the Gosnell case doesn’t awaken a numbed America, one
wonders what will.