ASCF Report | 12.10.14
By Alan W. Dowd
“The nation today needs men who think in
terms of service to their country and not in terms of their country’s
debt to them,” Gen. Omar Bradley observed in 1948. The good news is that
some of those who have served our country in uniform are answering our
country’s call to serve yet again—in Congress.
In fact, the number of veterans serving
in the Senate will increase when the new Congress is sworn in next
month. With a handful of races still pending, “Between 11 and 14
newly-elected veterans will join the 114th House of Representatives, and
four will join the Senate,” according to the Veterans Campaign, a non-partisan nonprofit that trains veterans interested in running for public office.
All told, there will be between 81 and 84
veterans in the House and 21 in the Senate, with veterans of Iraq
and/or Afghanistan accounting for one-quarter of the freshman class.
Until this year, the Veterans Campaign notes, “The number of veterans in
the Senate had decreased in every election since 1982.” Of note on the
Senate side: Joni Ernst of Iowa—who led supply convoys from Kuwait into
Iraq during Operation Iraqi Freedom and commanded an Army National Guard
battalion—will be the first female veteran in the U.S. Senate.
Senator-elect Tom Cotton of Arkansas—who left law school after the 9/11
attacks to serve in the United States Army—completed combat tours in
Afghanistan and Iraq.
Even so, the number of veterans with
major-party nominations was 20 fewer in the 2014 cycle than in the 2012
cycle—“the largest decline in recent history,” according to the Veterans
Campaign. As Military Times reports, “Only 183 of the 865 major-party
candidates up for election to Congress this year boast military
experience. It’s the first time in recent memory that fewer than 200
veterans were on the campaign trail in the congressional races.”
That brings us to the bad news: The number of veterans serving in Congress has fallen rapidly and steadily in recent years.
Not surprisingly, with 16 million
Americans serving in uniform during World War II, the number of veterans
serving in Congress grew in the postwar period. As the Congressional
Research Service (CRS) reports,
the number of veterans in the House peaked in 1967 (when veterans
accounted for 75.2 percent of the body) and in the Senate in 1975 (when
veterans comprised 80 percent of the upper chamber).
But CRS notes that the total number of
veterans serving has declined to just 19.6 percent in the House and 18.1
percent in the Senate for the current Congressional session, which ends
in January. In fact, the number of veterans in Congress is sliding
toward 100; it hasn’t dipped below the century mark since the 1950s, when World War II veterans began serving in Congress.
Think of it this way: Less than one-fifth of those who will decide whether or not to give the president after-the-fact authorization for military action in Iraq and Syria have military experience.
Exceptions
Interestingly, the nexus between military
service and legislative service is not a post-World War II aberration.
“For 30 years after the Civil War,” as military historian Victor Davis
Hanson observes, “almost no American could get elected to office without
prior Union or Confederate Civil War service.” Hanson adds that “being a
World War II veteran was virtually mandatory for any congressional
leader until about 1970.”
Even so, a decline in the percentage of
veterans serving in Congress was unavoidable. After all, as the share of
veterans in the overall population fell from 13.8 percent in 1970 to
less than 7 percent today, the share of veterans in Congress was bound
to fall as well.
But could we be entering a danger zone
where our deliberative bodies lack a critical mass of veterans needed to
steer defense and security decisions in a prudent direction?
This isn’t to suggest that military
service should be a prerequisite for congressional service. There are
exceptional people who create exceptions to the rule. Long before he
served as president, for instance, John Adams proved himself a wise and
able legislator in war and peace, though he never served in the
military.
Even so, it seems sensible for veterans
to make up a larger percentage of Congress than the overall
population—for veterans to be over-represented in Congress. Serving in
Congress, after all, is not your run-of-the-mill job. Deciding how much
to spend on the national defense, when, where and whether to go to war,
and who should be entrusted with the keys to the Pentagon, CIA, NSA,
State Department and Department of Homeland Security would be aided by
military experience.
But this is about more than judgment and
experience. It’s also about respect for Congress and what it does. Since
no institution is more respected by Americans than the U.S. military,
and few are less respected than Congress, the institution of Congress
could benefit from a larger infusion of veterans. A recent Gallup poll revealed that 74 percent of Americans have high confidence in the
military, while less than 10 percent express confidence in Congress.
(Related, only 30 percent of Americans express confidence in the Supreme
Court, 29 percent in the presidency, 22 percent in newspapers and 18
percent in TV news.)
Perhaps one reason that respect for
Congress has plummeted in recent years is related to the declining
number of veterans serving there.
Congress needs more veterans to bring
their real-world experience and sense of purpose to the policymaking
process. Fair or not, the perception is that members of Congress are
ensnared by special interests and focused on little else than amassing
power and using it to get re-elected. In fact, according to polls
conducted by CBS and The New York Times, 85 percent of respondents say
Congress is more interested in special interests than in the American
people. Those who have served in uniform have shown a willingness—a
readiness—to put their nation and their unit ahead of themselves. As historian John Keegan
observed, the world of the warrior “exists in parallel with the
everyday world but does not belong to it.” Thus, veterans are motivated
by different values—honor, duty, service—than many of those they defend
and protect.
Amid mounting debt and spiraling spending
at home, new and old threats abroad, and more than a decade of war, the
American people need Congress to make lots of tough decisions in the
years ahead. Today’s cohort of veterans is equipped to do that.
Veterans aren’t perfect, of course, and
they won’t be able to fix everything. But Washington would definitely
benefit from more contact with those “who think in terms of service to
their country and not in terms of their country’s debt to them.”
*Dowd is a senior fellow with the American Security Council Foundation, where he writes The Dowd Report, a monthly review of international events and their impact on U.S. national security.